Somaliland’s Pursuit of Recognition Knows No Bounds — Not Even At the Devil’s Doorway



In early April, 2025 reports emerged that Somaliland had submitted a confidential request expressing its willingness to host displaced residents of Gaza, Palestine—people who have been mercilessly slaughtered in years by Israel and its allies, with the United States being the primary supporter.
During the ongoing massacre of the people of Gaza, around 75,000 people—mostly women and children—were killed. With no serious response from the international community to this horrific genocide.

Despite that, a shocking proposal came from Donald Trump, who currently leads the U.S suggesting a new resettlement program for the people of Gaza, relocating them to new lands outside their ancestral homeland. This proposal is part of the larger plan to ethnically cleanse Palestinians and expand Israeli territory over Muslim lands or "Promised land" according to them.
Among the countries listed in a U.S. State Department document to host Palestinians were Jordan, Sudan, and Somalia—all Muslim-majority nations. The U.S. intention was to test the reactions of these governments, which are considered weak and dependent on American political and financial support.

Sudan and Somalia responded boldly to this proposal. Somalia’s ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ahmed Fiqi, firmly rejected the plan—even though doing so could have resulted in new diplomatic tensions or severe diplomatic punishment for Somalia. His brave stance was widely welcomed by Muslim and Arab media outlets, especially after the King of Jordan surprised many by accepting and welcoming the controversial proposal.

The Islamic world did not react strongly to Jordan’s position, as Arab leaders have long been seen as political and mental captives of the U.S. and Israeli policies —consistently prioritizing their power and personal interests over defending Holly causes.

What shocked many, however, was the request made by Somaliland—a region that declared self-rule in 1991 but remains internationally unrecognized. The request was sent to the U.S. and Israel, stating that Somaliland is willing to participate in the resettlement plan, on the condition that the two countries would support its long-standing pursuit of international recognition. 

Although many people viewed it as an impossible attempt from every angle, Somaliland has shown that it is willing to cross any boundary that could restrict it in order to obtain international recognition.

At long last, Israel and Somaliland have yesterday formally signed a comprehensive diplomatic agreement. Although the move may appear sudden, there have been longstanding indications that Somaliland has been seeking recognition from Israel. In return, of not only hosting Palestinians but also fullly joining Abraham accords — as well as to grant strategic access to the Port of Berbera, a key location for Red Sea security.

The possible negative consequences of this agreement.

Somaliland has taken a step from which it will not easily return, abandoning all principles, values, and conscience related to Islam and Somali identity in pursuit of an artificial recognition from the Zionists of Israel — who mercilessly massacre the Muslim people of Palestine every day, having violently seized the blessed Muslim land in a blatant campaign of colonization and oppression.

Historically, this agreement is similar to the deceitful treaty that the Ayyubid Sultan Al-Kamil concluded with Frederick II of Germany in 1229, in which he handed over the Holy Land of Beytul Maqdas to the invading Crusaders through a political deal without a war. The main reason Al-Kamil entered into that agreement was to weaken the power of his brother, Muhammad Al-‘Adil, with whom he was competing for control over the Ayyubid state, which at the time was deeply divided. When the Crusaders entered Jerusalem, they massacred the innocent civilians and the residents of the city.
Today, it feels as history is rewriting itself — with Netanyahu appearing like Frederick II, Abdirahman Iro resembling Sultan Al-Kamil, and Hassan Sheikh representing Al-Malik. What remains to be seen is the move Frederick (Netanyahu) will make, and whether scholars comparable to Al-‘Izz ibn Abdul-Salam will arise — those who historically denounced that illegitimate treaty at the time and fueled the uprising that eventually brought down the agreement, restoring Holly land to Muslim control within a short period of time.

The possible implications from this agreement can include:

1. Somaliland will face a conflict beyond its capability.

The sensitivity of the Red Sea passage — a strategic hotspot for the global power struggle between China and the United States and their allies — is a major factor. This agreement will inflame tensions in the region. The Houthis, for their part, will never accept an Israeli presence in the Red Sea waters. This conflict is tied to shaping the future of emerging global powers, and it is crucial both for the world economy and for global geopolitics.
Can the small territory currently administered by Somaliland host such flames and power struggles without having formal international recognition? Or will it become the ashes consumed beneath the fire? This step could bring the greatest harm to Somaliland in the near future, as there seems to be a significant misunderstanding and negligence regarding the trap laid before them.

2. The emergence of further separatist attempts

After the collapse of the Republic in 1991, the country fell into widespread political and social fragmentation. The current federal system is fragmented and fragile. Regional administrations often try to form alliances with neighboring or foreign countries to pressure the central government whenever political disputes arise.
This agreement will encourage separatist ambitions among regional administrations seeking full independence. If the central government does not respond firmly to this move, it could lead to further dangerous separatist movements.

3. A further erosion of the Greater Somalia aspirations

When colonial powers arrived in Somalia in the 19th century, they divided the Somali people into five regions under their rule. Of these five, two were handed over as a “gift” to Ethiopia and Kenya, allies of the colonial powers. One region gained full independence as a state, while the remaining two united of their own will in 1960. Unfortunately, it now appears that even those two united regions are further drifting apart, paving the way for deeper fragmentation — reminiscent of the era of the Muslim taifa kingdoms in Andalusia, which ultimately led to their complete eradication from the lands of Spain and Portugal, lands muslims ruled for more than 800 years.
If this step is not strongly opposed, it will open the way to disastrous consequences for future generations — and to a history no one would wish to inherit.

4. A widespread war in the northern regions

The northern regions of Somalia, consisting of five provinces, are inhabited by five major clans as well as others living alongside them. When the British colonizers arrived, they made various protection treaties with those clans — except for the people of the Sool region, which Britain seized by force (an “occupied area”). The British dealt with these clans in different ways, placing them under their colonial protectorate, which they later named Somaliland.
When the central government collapsed, part of those regions — specifically the Northwest — declared a unilateral secession that was not supported by other clans inhabiting the north. To force them to accept this unlawful political stance, they launched attacks and military campaigns against the other northern communities, seizing by force most of what was formerly known as Somaliland, using the justification of enforcing their secessionist cause.

On August 25, 2023, everything changed when a storm of conflict struck the northern regions — a war initiated by the people of the Sool region — which completely removed Somaliland’s remaining presence there. This development reshaped the geopolitical reality in the area and delivered a painful blow to Somaliland’s separatist ambitions.

There are now two clear political realities in the north:
The northeastern Administration, composed of Sool, Sanaag, and part of Togdheer, which firmly remains under the unity of Somalia.
Somaliland, which unilaterally governs two and a half of the remaining northern regions.
Additionally, the people of Awdal region strongly reject the secessionist ideology.
Israel’s recognition of Somaliland’s false map poses a threat to all the people living in these regions, and it will reignite a new and dangerous conflict throughout the north.

Regional Turmoil

This step has further ignited a region that was already in uproar, giving Israel an ongoing strategic advantage and contributing to the growing division among countries united under the Arab League. Its broader objective, as stated by some, is to seize what it describes as the ‘Promised Land,’ the area between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers.

This step will open the gates of hell for Somaliland, which appears not to have carefully or considerably calculated the negative consequences that may arise from this action. A strong backlash can be expected from all directions toward Somaliland.

The Red Sea corridor borders some of the world’s most significant security flashpoints and serves as a key arena in global competition for trade and power. Somaliland has timidly entered a geopolitical contest beyond its current capabilities, with its vulnerability and limited capacity exemplified by the recent incident in Borama and the growing presence of armed insurgent groups. This step could ultimately mark the long-term decline of the Somaliland administration.

This move poses a risk to countries in the region, foremost among them Djibouti, which stands to lose its economic lifeline and regional influence, and Ethiopia, which has long viewed Somali fragmentation and the absence of a strong state as serving its strategic interests. Ethiopia’s strategy toward Somaliland has been: ‘weak enough to exploit it, strong enough to use it.’ That approach may now be coming to an end.

The failure of the Federal Government’s diplomacy and steps forward

Although the country has been in a state of national collapse since 1991 and is still struggling through a period of recovery, there remains a significant diplomatic failure for which the Federal Government bears responsibility. The central government should have been fully aware of the reality that its authority has not yet extended across the entire nation, and should have based its political strategy on that fact. It ought to have established strong principles in politics, international relationships, security, and intelligence as a guiding framework — but this did not happen. The current failures overshadowing Somalia’s foreign policy are clear evidence of this, as a small separatist region has outmaneuvered the Federal Government in the diplomatic arena.

Therefore, if the Federal Government intends to respond to this dangerous act that threatens the existence and unity of the Somali nation, it must take measures that go beyond the usual boundaries of diplomacy and leniency in its dealings with the Somaliland administration. The government’s response must be free from emotions and impulsiveness, while at the same time addressing this matter with the utmost firmness. Therefore, It is imperative that these measures be taken swiftly.

1. It must respond firmly to Israel’s provocation and undertake offensive measures towards Somaliland administration, and it must also sever relations or undertake a thorough and rational relationship reassessment with any party involved in this matter, especially the UAE.

2. It is necessary for the Federal Government to launch an economic offensive against Somaliland, particularly by targeting the Somaliland Development Fund (SDF), which the Federal Government had previously granted as a form of special financial recognition in 2012.

3. The Federal Government should officially announce and recognize the Awdal State administration, which represents the clans inhabiting that region, and provide it with political support along the Djibouti border.”

4. The central Government should establish a Milatary bases and lounch a direct movements along the land borders currently administered by Somaliland, as it has every legal justification to carry out an attack against that administration.

If the Federal Government urgently takes those five steps, it would undoubtedly inflict significant damage on the recently announced ‘devilish agreement’ and would reclaim the territory of the Somali Republic. However, if Somalia fails to take those actions — or even stronger ones — its response will surely be weaker than its current ineffectiveness. Such inaction would open the door for all regions dissatisfied with the Federal Government, and Somalia would appear to be a state that has completely come apart, making reunification even more difficult in the future.

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